|
.....there is nothing more difficult to arrange, more doubtful of
success, and more dangerous to carry through than initiating changes ... The
innovator makes enemies of all those who prospered under the old order, and
only lukewarm support is forthcoming from those who would prosper under the
new. Their support is lukewarm partly from fear of their adversaries . . .
and partly because men are generally incredulous, never really trusting to
new things unless they have tested them by experience.
Machiavelli, II Principe
1
The nature and
outcome of the 1974 reorganisation of the National Health Service can only be
touched upon briefly here. It was planned by a Conservative administration as
part of the government’s wider programme of administrative reform, which aimed
to make it easier to plan and develop services across authority boundaries and
to give scope for changing the balance of resource allocation between them. Just
before the date of reorganisation a general election brought Labour to power.
Mrs Barbara Castle became Secretary of State for Social Services in March 1974
and Dr David Owen, Minister of State for Health. Some features of the
reorganisation did not appeal to the new administration but the central aim of
unifying community and hospital services was accepted as sound.
Reorganisation had a
number of objectives. First was the unification of the three parts of the NHS,
hospital services, family practitioner services and the health services provided
by local authorities, into a single structure. Second, the new structure was
expected to make easier a ‘clear definition and allocation of responsibilities,
with maximum delegation downwards matched by accountability upwards’. Third,
there was to be a comprehensive planning system to ensure that policies were
translated into action.2 Though the changes in 1974 can now be viewed
as no more than a single stage in the evolution of the health service system, it
seemed a vast step to those working in London hospitals. With the exception of
the postgraduates, the teaching hospitals lost their boards of governors, and
hospital management committees disappeared. Newly created area health
authorities and health districts served a defined population. They advertised
for staff and many familiar faces disappeared from the hospitals, either by
success in the competition for the new jobs or by early retirement.
The ‘Grey Book’ on
management arrangements for the reorganised health service was the outcome of a
study supervised by a committee whose members were drawn from the three branches
of the service and the Department, chaired by its permanent secretary, with the
assistance of McKinsey and Co and the Health Services Organisation Research Unit
of Brunel University.3 Roles and responsibilities were defined with a
precision not to everybody’s liking. The concept of management by consensus
among chief officers of different disciplines was introduced. With few
exceptions the officers of the regional health authorities were those of the old
regional hospital boards; they had many new things to learn. Health authorities
now had a wider span of responsibilities, ranging from community health services
to the regional specialties and the high technology of teaching hospitals.
Authority meetings were now to be held in public and the membership of area
health authorities included four nominees of local authorities. Each health
district related to a new consumer organisation, the community health council,
which had a right to be consulted on changes in service and to oppose
significant alterations at ministerial level.
These organisational
changes were carried out against a background of increasing stringency and the
new structure was sometimes blamed for problems which were really caused by a
shortage of money, particularly in London. There was widespread if spasmodic
industrial action by many groups of staff. The teaching hospitals had difficulty
in adjusting to the new order, and regretted the now distant relationships with
the Department of Health and Social Security. Two were in the process of
relocation, Charing Cross in Fulham and the Royal Free in Hampstead. Neither
believed that the cost of running the new and larger facilities had been
estimated correctly.
Medicine was not
standing still. Diagnostic imaging was being revolutionised, ultrasound was
developing and the first computer assisted scanners were being introduced into
London hospitals. New methods of treatment were developed, often pioneered in
the teaching hospitals but sometimes being introduced into the practice of
district general hospitals. Coronary artery surgery and pacemaker insertion was
expanding rapidly; oncology, bone marrow transplantation and joint replacement
also had to find their place amongst the services offered, and had to be
financed. Services for the elderly, the mentally ill and mentally handicaped
also needed improvement. These ‘Cinderella services’ were now unambiguously the
responsibility of the same district authorities as were the teaching hospitals.
They therefore came into direct conflict with new initiatives in acute
treatment, within the same budget.
Planning and finance
The introduction of
a comprehensive planning system involving the Department of Health, the regions,
the areas and the districts, was intended to be an essential component of the
1974 reorganisation. Nowhere was it more important than in London with its
legacy of problems. The deficiencies in primary care and long stay services, the
concentration on acute services, and the problem of reconciling London’s role in
medical education with the level of acute facilities likely to be available in
the future remained unresolved.
The ‘Grey Book’
outlined the nature of the health service planning system and a few regions like
North East Thames implemented it. Two years after reorganisation, in 1976, a
guide to the NHS Planning System
and a consultative document on Priorities for Health and Personal Social
Services in England were issued to launch it more widely.4
Planning was now to be based upon the requirements of different ‘client’ groups,
rather than proposals for capital developments at individual hospitals. It was
also to take place within realistic resource assumptions. Here was a problem;
the then current proposals for building far exceeded the funds likely to be
available. Costs had often escalated and the new regional health authorities had
the unhappy task of informing some hospitals that long-cherished developments
were unlikely to come to fruition for many years to come.
In
London even existing services were under threat. From 1977/8 regional
authorities received allocations which reflected the decision to re-distribute
revenue in line with the recommendations of the Resource Allocation Working
Party (RAWP).5 This proposed that the money available to a region
should primarily reflect the size of its population, weighted by standardised
mortality ratios and other factors, rather than the costs of services currently
provided or its historic funding. On this basis the discrepancies between
regional allocations were considerable. Target allocations, the money which a
region would receive if equity ruled, were calculated. The four Thames regions
were considerably ‘over-target’ and their financial growth rate would now be
below national average. Simultaneously the Thames regions were expected to
redress their own internal inequalities and deficiencies in service. Some areas
were far better funded than others and hospitals like The London realised that
they would have to lose money to Essex, or to groups like the mentally ill whose
conditions required urgent improvement. The compounding effects of national and
regional reallocation and the demands of the long stay specialties made the
financial position of the allegedly over-funded central London teaching
districts, and the continuing development of high technology medicine, look
bleak. The University of London and its medical schools rapidly appreciated
the potential effect upon acute
hospital services and medical education, and established a working party to look
at the position.
The financial
pressures upon teaching districts were now clear but the speed with which they
could react was reduced by the need for public consultation, and local
opposition to any reduction in health services. Some of the districts with the
greatest financial problems were matched by local authorities which were
left-wing in complexion. Their nominees on the area health authorities made it
clear that any reductions were anathema to them. One teaching area, Lambeth,
Southwark and Lewisham, passed a resolution in 1979 that in effect limited the
extent to which it was prepared to cut clinical services. This action would
inevitably have led the authority to exceed the cash limit it received. Mr
Patrick Jenkin, the Secretary of State, appointed commissioners under section 86
of the NHS Act 1977, which permitted him to give directions for a specific
period to ensure, in an emergency, that services would continue to be available.
This decision was subsequently challenged successfully, but not before a measure
of financial control had been reestablished. The court ruled that Mr Jenkin had
acted outside the power of the section by failing to specify the duration of the
crisis. Instead, the court said, he might have acted under section 17, directing
the authority to economise in specific terms.6
Planning in London
The forty years
preceding the 1974 reorganisation had seen major demographic changes and the
removal and rehousing of many Londoners in new towns as an act of policy. The
population of inner London had fallen, faster indeed than the planners had
expected, from 4,397,000 in 1931 to 2,772,000 in 1971. The number of acute
hospital beds in central London had fallen somewhat, but the proportion compared
with the residential population had risen.
When the figures
from the joint survey carried out in 1931 by the Voluntary Hospitals Committee
and the London County Council7 are compared with hospital statistics
for the same listed hospitals in 1973 (where they were still in operation) the
number of beds in teaching hospitals has risen, mainly as result of post-war
reconstruction at a larger size. Beds in specialist hospitals fell, largely
because small hospitals for women and children had closed or been incorporated
into general teaching hospitals. The capacity of the old municipal hospitals had
fallen partly as a result of war damage and partly because some very large
hospitals were reduced in size, while some fever hospitals like the Brook in
Woolwich and the Grove in Tooting had been converted into general hospitals or
specialist units. Patients with acute illnesses were well served, but the
position of the elderly and the mentally ill was less favourable.
Services for these long stay patients were generally provided in old buildings,
sometimes miles from where they had lived. The changing demography of London
called for a different and leaner pattern of hospital service in central London,
although the process of slimming down was complicated by the need to provide
clinical facilities for the progressively expanding medical student intake.
Acute beds available in the
same hospitals in 1931 and 1971
| |
1931 |
1971 |
% change |
| Teaching hospitals |
5,672 |
7,260 |
+ 36 |
| Special(ist) hospitals |
5,617 |
4,887 |
-13 |
| General, below 100 beds |
442 |
445 |
+ 0.7 |
| General, above 100 beds |
2,330 |
2,561 |
+ 10 |
| |
14,151 |
15,153 |
|
| LCC hospitals appropriated |
16,920 |
9,536* |
- 38 |
| |
31,071 |
24,689 |
- 20 |
| |
7.06/1000 resident population. |
8.9/1000 resident population |
|
*To this figure one might add beds
in hospitals which provided fever services in 1931, but had become general
hospitals in 1973. It is impossible to estimate the proportions of elderly/long
stay patients in hospitals which were, in the main, acute hospitals.
The London Coordinating Committee
The
London Coordinating Committee was established in 1975 to assist in the solution
of these problems. There were long discussions about how, while remaining an
advisory body, it might be given more
bite than Dame Albertine Winner’s joint working party, which had been active
from 1967-72. Its terms of reference were to ‘coordinate the provision of health
services in Greater London with reference to the matching of medical education
and service need and securing rational distribution of specialised health
services’. The Permanent Secretary, Sir Philip Rogers, chaired the first
meeting. Members were drawn from the regional health authorities, teaching
areas, postgraduate hospitals, the London Boroughs Association, the Greater
London Council, family practitioner committees, the University Grants Committee,
the University of London and the Department of Health. It proved to be too
large and unwieldy a body: while it provided a forum for discussion it had
neither the capacity nor the authority to take decisions. It identified a number
of local problems requiring urgent solution. Previous assessments of regional
specialties like neurosurgery and cardiothoracic surgery were brought up to date
and the committee considered a possible strategy for the rationalisation of
inner London hospitals which had been drawn up by Departmental officers. The
tentative proposals included a suggestion that some recently completed hospital
developments should not be used for the purpose for which they had been
designed, but for other clinical requirements. The document was leaked in the
Sunday Times creating concern amongst the staff of some prestigious
hospitals.8 The Minister decided to make the document more widely
available in an attempt to allay anxieties.
Meanwhile regional
authorities, unimpressed by the potential of the London Coordinating Committee,
were coming to believe that their own planning activities might provide more
substantial and achievable economies. The committee gradually lost favour and
held its last meeting in July 1976. For some time afterwards the members
received briefing about London developments, but few regretted the committee’s
passing. Its ineffectiveness highlighted the problem of developing London-wide
strategies which would achieve general acceptance. Yet the planning of the
Thames regions was proceeding at widely differing rates, and it was clear that
there would be a variation in comprehensiveness and quality. Nor would the four
plans necessarily be compatible with each other. Elsewhere in the country this
might not have mattered, but in London, where major reductions in services were
likely to prove necessary and cross-boundary flows were significant, a measure
of coordination was essential.
The London Health Planning
Consortium
For
these reasons approaches were made in 1977 to the four Thames regions, the
University of London and the University Grants Committee. It was agreed that
responsibility for health service planning rested with the regions, but some
matters required the assistance of the university and medical schools, and
others a uniformity of approach. The regions retained their reservations about
the effectiveness of London-wide groups, unless given power to ensure the
implementation of decisions, but accepted that some major decisions like the
future of the postgraduate hospitals were required before regional strategic
plans could be finalised. It was agreed that the proposed group would only
consider those issues requiring a London-wide approach, and the London Health
Planning Consortium was formed at the end of 1977 to ‘identify planning issues
relating to health services and clinical teaching in London as a whole, to
decide how, by whom and with what priority they should be studied; to evaluate
planning options and make recommendations to other bodies as appropriate; and to
recommend means of coordinating planning by health and academic authorities in
London'.
Dame Albertine Winner had retired from the civil service before becoming the
chairman of the Joint Working Group in 1967. The Consortium, on the other hand,
was chaired by a serving departmental officer, Mr J C C Smith, and received
considerable support in the analytic work required from the Department of
Health. The membership included officers and representatives of the four Thames
regions, the University of London and the University Grants Committee, the
postgraduate hospitals and the Department itself. It was not an executive body
and decisions continued to lie with the statutory health and academic bodies,
and where necessary with Ministers.6 Concurrently the University of
London was under increasing financial pressure. To begin with it had not
believed that it would experience financial cuts, although prepared to consider
how best to maintain the quality of its medical and dental education with so
many clouds upon the horizon. The position worsened and the principal of the
university had to ask the deans how they were not going to spend the money they
were not going to get.
The Flowers working party
In 1977, at the request of the University’s Joint Medical Advisory Committee,
the Conference of Metropolitan Deans set up a working party to consider
rationalisation. However this group was unable to produce definitive
recommendations even though there was an acceptance of the need for change, and
that the number of medical schools might need to be reduced. As a result the
vice-chancellor established a major review of the resources for medical and
dental education in February 1979. It was chaired by Lord Flowers, rector of the
Imperial College of Science and Technology. Lord Flowers’ working party started
to meet some time after the London Health Planning Consortium, and it had to
work to a tight timescale. Basic assumptions were that the current intake of
students and the existing level of funding would be maintained, but that regard
should be paid to demographic trends and the Department of Health’s resource
allocation policy.
The Consortium’s reports
The London Health Planning Consortium faced two main problems. It was widely
accepted that there were many small and medium sized units in specialties like
cardiac surgery and radiotherapy, and a degree of rationalisation was desirable.
The second problem was the need to reduce the level of acute hospital services
in central London, to bring it into line with population and with the money
likely to be available in the future. Regional specialties were studied by
groups with an independent chairman, specialist expertise being supplied by
people who worked outside London, whilst local knowledge of the London hospitals
was available from consultants working in fields other than the one under
examination. Between 1979—1980 a series of reports were published for
consultation.
The level of acute services was assessed by examining such factors as the
demographic change in population predicted over a decade, 1978 - 88, taking
account of changes in the distribution of population and its age structure,
hospital utilisation, admission categories, turnover interval and length of
stay. Account was also taken of the extent to which people from outer London and
beyond made use of hospitals in central London, some of the difficulties posed
by social deprivation in inner London, and the shortcomings in London’s
non-acute services. This work was published in 1979 as a profile of acute
hospital services.10 It showed how the progressive movement of
population outwards had led to a marked inequality of access to acute services
in the Thames regions, and -
in service terms
-
to an over-concentration in central London. The study
showed that there might need to be reductions of the order of 20-25 per cent in
the number of acute beds, amounting in central London to cuts of around 2,300
beds in all. The consortium suggested that if this did not happen the health
authorities in London would not be able to find the resources to improve the
standard of services outside the acute sector, in the fields of geriatrics,
mental illness and mental handicap.
Changes of the order suggested would be bound to have major implications for the
medical schools. The consortium proceeded to study the problem of providing
sufficient clinical facilities for medical education, in parallel with the work
of Lord Flowers’ working party. Both groups published their reports on the same
day in February 1980. The consortium’s document,
Towards a
Balance, suggested a pattern of hospitals within which it would be possible
to implement a variety of educational options. It indicated ways in which
complementary hospitals in outer London, which were less affected by declining
population, might be linked with the various medical schools and used for core
teaching in medicine and surgery.

Towards a Balance: relationship of teaching
hospitals to large hospitals in outer London. Source: BMJ 8 March 1980
After the publication of Lord Flowers’ report
it
was discussed at a conference at Senate House.9
Students from the Westminster Hospital, parading with coffins, made their views
clear. The report suggested that there was over-capacity in pre-clinical
provision, and regarded it as axiomatic that the University should use new
buildings to the full, particularly as these often lay in areas which remained
predominantly residential. A series of amalgamations was proposed as a result of
which 34 separate academic institutions would be grouped into six schools of
medicine and dentistry, some named after famous doctors like Harvey and Lister.
One protagonist suggested that it was necessary to overcome ‘tribal loyalties’,
a remark which merely united the tribes in opposition.
Amongst the most controversial recommendations were the closure of the
pre-clinical school at King’s College, Strand, and Westminster Medical School.9
Both were bitterly and effectively opposed. Faced with such opposition the
University could not come to immediate decisions, even though financial cuts
were inevitable. The conflict spread wider than the medical faculty, for there
were consequences affecting other institutions. In any case some recommendations
did not seem viable and the University’s joint medical advisory committee
produced a revised plan for restructuring London medical and dental education
which was likely to achieve wider support. The modifications were accepted by
the university joint planning committee, but the Senate was divided and referred
them back. There was to be further delay. A new working party was established
chaired by the deputy vice-chancellor, Professor Leslie Le Quesne, to examine
the costs and savings which would result from different patterns of closure and
amalgamation.12 The University employed management accountants to assist with
this costing exercise and in the meanwhile it encouraged those schools wishing
to proceed with closer association to do so.
The costing study necessarily made a number of assumptions, some of which were
open to challenge. In general the high cost of running the newly built medical
schools was confirmed. Merging medical schools appeared to be more
cost-effective than merely phasing out a preclinical school. It was also clear
that agreement would not be achieved purely by demonstrating that some solutions
were cheaper than others.
Restructuring
Rationalisation in London and changes in the organisation of medical education
were now overtaken by the events which led to the restructuring of the National
Health Service as a whole in 1982. The ever increasing demand for resources and
the financial problems arising from a deteriorating economic situation were
responsible for some disillusion following the 1974 reorganisation. By 1976
there was mounting criticism of a number of its aspects, particularly of what
many felt to be an unnecessarily complex and cumbersome administrative
structure. As a result the Labour government established a royal commission
which carried out an extensive and wide-ranging study of the health service. It
reported in
1979.13 The Conservative
administration which took office in May of that year formally welcomed the
report, but rejected one of the major recommendations, previously proposed by
three of the regional chairmen, that regions should be accountable to Parliament
for matters within their competence. The proposal for an independent enquiry
into the health service in London was also rejected on the ground that many of
the issues were already under study by the London Health Planning Consortium.
In general however the government accepted recommendations aimed at improving
and simplifying the management and organisational structure of the health
service. A discussion document, Patients First, was issued in December
1979, setting out proposals for the simplification of the structure by removal
of the area tier of health authorities, which intervened between regions and
health districts, and for the strengthening of unit management by greater
delegation of authority to the operational level. Instead, district health
authorities were proposed, modelled on existing ‘single district areas’ which
had generally been judged more effective than the areas which had the task of
managing several competitive districts.14 Internal faction had been
characteristic of a number of the area health authorities in London.
The structure now envisaged would place the managing authorities, the districts,
close to the point of service delivery, while maintaining
regional authorities for the
purposes of strategic planning and resource allocation. Patients First
stated that in London the government did not contemplate major changes in
regional boundaries in the next few years - in other words the starfish
arrangement would persist and a central London health authority was not under
consideration. It was also suggested that there would be advantages in the
establishment of an advisory group, representative of major interests, to assist
the government in considering major issues in London.
In May 1980 the Secretary of
State established this as the London Advisory Group, chaired by Sir John
Habakkuk (Principal of Jesus College, Oxford; vice-chancellor of Oxford
University, 1973—7) to report to him and advise on the development of London’s
health services, and the restructuring of health authorities.15 Its
first task was to suggest guidelines for determination of boundaries in London,
a problem recognised as more complex than elsewhere in the country. These
appeared as an appendix to a departmental circular on structure and management
(HC(80)8). Two further reports published early in 1981 proposed a strategy for
the future organisation of acute hospital services in London.15 They
recommended a reduction in the number of acute beds to free resources for the
elderly, the mentally ill and handicapped, and for a variety of community
services. The London Advisory Group accepted the conclusions of the London
Health Planning Consortium, after examining its assumptions.
The consortium had pointed
to over-provision in relation to future needs and had predicted that because of
shortening length of stay the same number of people could be treated in fewer
beds. The group reported that in two years that had elapsed since the
consortium’s calculations there had already been a reduction of 1,950 acute
beds, nearly seven per cent, a more rapid rate of decline than the consortium
had projected.
Acute beds in inner London
|
1977
|
28,600 |
|
|
1979
|
26,650
|
- 6.8 %
|
|
1980 |
25,000 |
- 12.6 % |
|
LHPC target for 1988 |
22,500 |
- 21.3 % |
In contrast to this fall the number of beds in private hospitals in inner London
was rising, more than doubling between 1977 and 1983 to over 1,300. Some of the
private hospitals were themselves specialising,providing particular facilities
like radiotherapy or maternity and child care.
One of the most significant
statements made by the London Advisory Group was that full use should be made of
major hospitals, reductions when necessary being made elsewhere, presumably in
smaller institutions. One region, North East Thames, had already been pursuing
this strategy, rationalising smaller hospitals and building larger district
general hospitals at Newham and Homerton. This approach, which promised to free
resources for other uses, received the general endorsement of the Secretary of
State.
Major hospitals of which full
use should be made15
|
Charing Cross Hospital |
Lewisham Hospital |
St Andrew’s, Bow |
St Stephen’s Hospital |
|
Dulwich Hospital |
The London (Whitechapel
and Mile End) |
St Bartholomew’s
Hospital |
St Thomas’s Hospital |
|
Guy’s Hospital |
Middlesex Hospital |
St Charles’ Hospital |
University College
Hospital |
|
Hammersmith Hospital |
Newham Hospital |
St George’s Hospital |
Westminster Hospital |
|
Homerton (Hackney) |
Queen Mary’s, Roehampton |
St James’ Hospital,
Balham |
Whittington (Royal
Northern) |
|
King’s College Hospital |
Royal Free Hospital |
St Mary’s Hospital, W2 |
|
Districting
The regions were asked to
submit proposals for the boundaries of the new district health authorities to be
established, taking the guidance of the London Advisory Group into account.
Because of the tendency to propose a district to match every viable district
general hospital, the number of authorities created proved to be considerable.
At the Secretary of State’s request the London Advisory Group considered the
submissions. Work was hampered by the fact that the University of London had not
come to final conclusions on the Flowers report. This was particularly
significant in the centre of London where hospital catchments seldom matched
local authority boundaries, and the main academic institutions were sited. No
ideal arrangement was possible in inner London, whereas in outer London there
were few problems and in the main the regions’ proposals were accepted.15
The university was
considering the association of the medical schools of Charing Cross and the
Westminster Hospitals, which led the North West Thames region to propose the
establishment of a single district to be known as ‘Riverside’ to be responsible
for both teaching hospitals. The university also suggested that the medical
schools of the Royal Free Hospital, University College Hospital and St Mary’s
should be grouped together. This commanded little support in the committee
established to consider the proposition, all three medical schools preferring a
pairing which excluded St Mary’s. This opened another possibility, a joint
district to be known as Bloomsbury, to manage the Middlesex and University
College Hospitals. The two teaching hospitals were close to each other, but lay
on opposite sides of a regional boundary and the idea was initially opposed by
the hospitals, the regions and the university.
The Secretary of State was
concerned to find a balance between the conflicting requirements of
coterminosity and practicability in health service terms. His decisions differed
in some respects from the recommendations of the London Advisory Group.15
In only one case was a district established which contained more than one
teaching hospital, Bloomsbury. Once the decision was announced it was accepted
with good grace and an evident desire to take advantage of the consolidation of
two undergraduate teaching hospitals and three postgraduate groups, St Peter’s,
the Royal National Orthopaedic and the Royal National Throat, Nose and Ear
hospitals. The grouping gave the district authority a worthwhile management
task, and avoided the risk of separate authorities each bent on the defence of
its own institutions. In London as a whole coterminosity remained a major
feature. 27 out of 33 London boroughs related to only one district and 18 were
coterminus with the matching health authority.
With the publication of the
London Advisory Group’s last report its work was complete, and it was disbanded
in 1981 at the same time as the London Health Planning Consortium.
The decisions of the
University of London
In December 1981, a year in
which the University Grants Committee announced a reduction in grant in each of
the next three years, the University of London finally reached conclusions on
the pattern of undergraduate medical education in London.17 It was
decided to reduce the number of separate schools, only four remaining
independent; the Royal Free, St Mary’s, St George’s and King’s College Hospital
Medical School which was in any case uniting with King’s College Strand. Charing
Cross and the Westminster Medical Schools would be strengthened by merger; the
proposal by the medical schools of Guy’s and St Thomas’s to form the United
Medical Schools under a single governing body was supported; the medical
colleges of St Bartholomew’s and The London should cooperate; and a joint
school would be established between the Middlesex and the Faculty of Clinical
Sciences of University College. The last would mirror Bloomsbury, creating an
academic organisation of considerable size and prestige. The newly constructed
medical school buildings at St George’s and Charing Cross had proved expensive
to run, largely because they provided a much higher standard of accommodation.
But they were sited further from central London in the midst of large
residential areas, and it seemed only sensible to exploit this advantage.
The governance of the
postgraduate hospitals
The governance of the
specialist postgraduate hospitals had been put to one side in 1974. It was
difficult to see where they might best fit in to the reorganised health service.
The 1972 reorganisation White Paper suggested that they should become closely
associated with other services in their vicinity, in line with the
recommendations of the Royal Commission on Medical Education in 1968.18 The
existing boards of governors were preserved and continued to function under
earlier health service acts.
The old antipathies between
the specialist hospitals, which often formed the focal point of a specialty
unable to claim many beds within a general hospital, and the undergraduate
hospitals, persisted in the form of a mutual wariness. The association suggested
in the White Paper had little appeal for the postgraduate hospitals, which had
branches in several parts of London and seldom related clearly to a single
region. To become too closely involved with a general hospital carried the risk
of merger and ultimate extinction. Nevertheless, their future role required
examination and in 1976 the university established a working party under the
chairmanship of Professor Norman Morris to review the academic institutes with
which the postgraduate hospitals were associated.
In March 1976, Dr David Owen
suggested that a single authority might integrate the planning and management,
and rationalise the services of three hospitals which lay next to each other:
the Hospital for Sick Children, Great Ormond Street, the National Hospital for
Nervous Diseases, and the Royal London Homeopathic Hospital. A steering
committee accepted the possibility of such an arrangement, while pointing out
the difficulties and complexities which would be involved. Incorporation of
postgraduate hospital groups into area health authorities was another
possibility. The postgraduate hospitals made it clear that the onus of
justifying change lay upon those proposing it. Led by Sir Reginald Wilson, the
boards pointed out that their activities spread far wider than the boundaries of
any one district, and some groups managed hospitals in two or three different
regions. They denied that planning arrangements with the regions were
inadequate, were well satisfied with the status quo, and preferred to maintain
their direct link with the Department of Health and Social Security.
In September 1978 after
several meetings and conferences, the Department issued a discussion document
which proposed the establishment of a London postgraduate health authority.19
This would take over the Department’s role in planning and resource
allocation, but would remain directly responsible to the Secretary of State. The
existing boards of governors would remain in place for the time being. Other
options were also canvassed which involved the early disappearance of the
boards, but in the absence of consensus the DHSS preferred to temporise. The
proposal for an ‘overlord’ postgraduate health authority was regarded by the
hospitals as very much second best; they preferred the status quo. The idea was
criticised in the House by Mr. Patrick Jenkin as the insertion of a further tier
of management when simpler structures were in fact required. Shortly afterwards,
in May 1979, a Conservative government was elected and Mr. Jenkin became
Secretary of State for Social Services. It was then decided to take no action
until reports of the Flowers working party9 and the Royal Commission
on the National Health Service13 were available.
The London Advisory Group
considered the management arrangements of the postgraduate hospitals in 1980
and visited all of them. The university was considering the possibility of
merging some institutes with medical schools, but where it proposed to maintain
a separate university institute this argued for the maintenance of an
independent authority. The presence of university representatives on the London
Advisory Group was therefore important, so that all could be made aware of the
way university thinking was developing. In its report, the London Advisory Group
distinguished between hospitals which were to be rehoused in close association
with general hospitals, or where the matching institute was likely to be merged
with a general medical school as a result of the decisions following the Flowers
report; and those which were unlikely to move from their existing sites and
where the institute was likely to continue in its present form for the
foreseeable future.15 It recommended that the first group should be
managed by the appropriate district health authority from 1 April 1982.
Hospitals in the second category, in general the larger ones with more viable
institutes, should be managed by newly established special health authorities in
place of the existing boards of governors. Following consultation, the Secretary
of State established special health authorities for six groups, and for the
Hammersmith Hospital. The Hospitals for Sick Children, the Royal Marsden, the
National Hospitals for Nervous Diseases, Moorfields, Bethlem Royal and Maudsley,
and the National Heart and Chest Hospitals, remained independent of the regional
health authority structure. The Hammersmith, associated with the Royal
Postgraduate Medical School, while wishing to remain accountable to the North
West Thames region, found to its surprise that it was reconstituted as a special
health authority. Four groups came under the management of a district authority:
the Royal National Orthopaedic Hospitals, the Royal National Throat, Nose and
Ear Hospitals, the St Peter’s group and St John’s Hospital for Diseases of the
Skin. The first three came under Bloomsbury, and St John’s under West Lambeth
where it was likely to be relocated (within St. Thomas' Hospital).16
Decisions on the Eastman Dental Hospital and Queen Charlotte’s were postponed.
During the months preceding
the restructuring of the health service on 1 April 1982, chairmen and members
were selected for the new district authorities and new officer teams were
appointed. Once again management was to operate by consensus. Certain teaching
districts were designated: those deeply involved in medical education because
they managed the main university hospital used by a medical school.20
Some of the medical schools prepared the private legislation needed to unite
independent institutions, in line with the university’s proposals.
The pattern of the acute
services was changing; small hospitals were closing, small accident and
emergency departments were disappearing. Evolution was assisted in some places,
like Bloomsbury, by the way in which restructuring changed the responsibilities
of authorities. Amalgamation and rationalisation, the chosen tools of the King’s
Fund in earlier years, were once more the order of the day. Health authorities
now, for financial if for no other reasons, had to grasp the nettle of reshaping
the hospital services in central London more closely to national priorities. The
pace of change was increasing.
References
1 Machiavelli N. Il Principe. Rome,
Antonio Blado, 1532.
2 Great Britain, Parliament. National Health Service
reorganisation: England. London, HMSO, 1972. Cmnd 5055.
3 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social
Security. Management arrangements for the reorganised National Health
Service. London, HMSO, 1972.
4 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social
Security. The NHS planning system. London, DHSS, 1976; Great Britain,
Department of Health and Social Security. Priorities for health and personal
social services in England: a consultative document. London, HMSO, 1976;
and Great Britain, Department of Health and Social Security. The way
forward: further discussion of the Government’s national strategy based on
the consultative document -
Priorities for health and personal social services. London, DHSS, 1977.
5 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social
Security. Sharing resources for health in England: report of the resource
allocation working party. London, HMSO, 1976; and Ranger D. RAWP.
University of London Bulletin no 41, May 1977.
6 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social
Security. On the state of the public health. Annual report of the Chief
Medical Officer for 1979. London, HMSO, 1980; The Times, 26 February 1980;
and British Medical Journal, 1980, i, p 723.
7 Joint survey of medical and surgical services in the
county of London. London, P and S King and London County Council, 1933.
8 Rationalisation of services: a revised hospital plan
for inner London. London Co-ordinating Committee, 1975. (LCC(75)13); Sunday
Times, 23 November 1975; and Hospital and Health Services Review,
February 1976.
9 London medical education. A new framework: report of
a working party on medical and dental teaching resources. (Chairman: Lord
Flowers). London, University of London, 1980; University of London press
release, February 1979.
10 London Health Planning Consortium. Acute hospital services in
London. London, HMSO, 1979.
11 London Health Planning Consortium. Towards a balance. London,
DHSS, 1980; and British Medical Journal, 1980, i, pp 665-6, 734-5.
12 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social Security. On the
state of the public health. Annual report of the Chief Medical Officer for
1980. London, HMSO, 1981.
13 Royal Commission on the National Health Service. Report.
(Chairman:
Sir
Alec Merrison). London, HMSO, 1979. Cmnd 7615.
14 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social Security and
Welsh Office. Patients first: consultative paper on the structure and
management of the National Health Service in England and Wales. London,
HMSO, 1979.
15 Reports of the London Advisory Group. London, 1981.
1
Acute hospital services in London;
2
District health authorities in London;
3
Management arrangements for the postgraduate specialist teaching hospitals;
4 The
development of health services in London.
16 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social Security. On the
state of the public health. Annual report of the Chief Medical Officer for
1981. London, HMSO, 1982.
17 Joint planning committee of the University of London on medical
education in London. Report. London, University of London, 1981.
18 Royal Commission on Medical Education 1965-8. Report.
(Chairman: Lord Todd). London, HMSO, 1968. Cmnd 3569.
19 Great Britain, Department of Health and Social Security. The
future management of the London specialist postgraduate hospitals. London,
DHSS, 1978.
20 The membership of district health authorities, HC(81)6 Appendix
5; see also HC(82)2 Appendix 2.
|